There is a saying on how to disseminate misinformation. It runs thus,’Suppressio veri,Suggestio Falsi
That is ‘ Supress the Truth ,Suggest Falsehood’
Classic example of this adage can be found in Indian history. Indian history being taught today is what the invaders wanted the subjugated to know. That is what is being studied in India right from School. The history would have one to believe that India had nothing before the arrival of Alexander!
Other side is suggestion of things not of Indian origin as Indian and subtle manipulation of facts, history , monuments,temples and the like,thereby you feel alien in your own backyard.
The manipulation is so great that one does not know he is being manipulated.
One such manipulation is Babri Masjid.
One would be shocked to find that the Babri Masjid was not built by Babur.
Please read the following to know our History.
‘Baqi Tashqandi, also known as Mir Baqi or Mir Banki, was a Mughal commander (beg) originally from Tashkent (in modern Uzbekistan) during the reign of the first Mughal emperor Babur. He is widely believed to have been made the governor of the province of Awadh. He was believed to have razed the Ram mandir and built Babri Mosque in Ayodhya in 1528.Baburnama(Chronicle of Babur) mentions a commander called Baqi Tashkindi (Baqi of Tashkent). His name also appears with other suffixes: Baqi Shaghawal, Baqi Beg (commander) or Baqi Mingbashi (commander of a thousand troops). However, the chronicle does not describe him as a Mir (prince or noble). Police officer-turned-scholar Kishore Kunal believes that the appellation “Mir Baqi” was constructed in 1813–1814 in a forged inscription on Babri Masjid for the benefit of the British surveyor Francis Buchanan, and there was in fact no prince called “Mir Baqi” in Babur’s regime.
Francis Buchanan
also called Buchanan-Hamilton) did a survey of the Gorakhpur Division in 1813–14 on behalf of the British East India Company. Buchanan’s report, never published but available in the British Library archives, states that the Hindus generally attributed destruction of temples “to the furious zeal of Aurangzabe [Aurangzeb]”, but the large mosque at Ayodhya (now known as Babri Masjid) was ascertained to have been built by Babur by “an inscription on its walls”. Buchanan had the said inscription in Persian copied by a scribe and translated by a Maulvi friend. The translation however showed two inscriptions. The first inscription said that the mosque was constructed by ‘Mir Baqi’ in the year 935 AH or 923 AH. The second inscription narrated the genealogy of Aurangzeb.]The translator had a difficulty with the anagram for the date, because one of the words was missing, which would have resulted in a date of 923 AH rather than 935 AH. These incongruities and mismatches made no impression on Buchanan, who maintained that the mosque was built under the orders of Babur.
The Babri Masjid stands at a location believed by Hindus to be the birthplace of Rama. There are no records of a mosque at the site till 1672 and no known association with Babur or Mir Baqi prior to Buchanan’s discovery of these inscriptions in the 19th century. The Baburnama does not mention either the mosque or the destruction of a temple.The Ramcharit Manas of Tulsidas (AD 1574) and Ain-i Akbari of Abu’l-Fazl ibn Mubarak (AD 1598) made no mention of a mosque either’
Ramayana and Mahabharata are the figment of imagination, which have over 300′ versions.
‘Depending on the methods of counting, as many as three hundred[1][2] versions of the Indian epic poem, the Ramayana, are known to exist. The oldest version is generally recognized to be the Sanskrit version attributed to the sage Valmiki.
‘ Benares Well.e minarets are 71 meters high and used to dominated the Varanasi skyline till a 1948 flood caused it to collapse.[4][5] Material from the destroyed temple was reused by Aurangzeb while building the Gyanvapi Mosque.[6] The mosque shows evidence of original Hindu temple in its foundation, columns and rear.[3][5] The old temple wall was also incorporated as part of the walls of the mosque. The deliberately retained remnants of the temple are described to be “a warning and an insult to Hindu feelings”.[7] The façade is modeled on the Taj Mahal‘s entrance’
Sultan Mahmud and his forces attacking the fortress of Zaranj
Ghazini Raids India
17 times in 25 years. Following the defeat of the Rajput Confederacy, after deciding to teach them all a lesson for combining against him, discovering that they were rich, and that their temples were great repositories of wealth; Mahmud then set out on regular expeditions against them, leaving the conquered kingdoms in the hands of Hindu vassals annexing only the Punjab region.[2] He is also on record for having vowed to raid Hind every year. Mahmud had already had relationships with the leadership in Balkh through marriage, its local Emir Abu Nasr Mohammad, offered his services to the Sultan and his daughter to Mahmud’s son, Muhammad. After Nasr’s death Mahmud brought Balkh under his leadership. This alliance greatly helped him during his expeditions into Northern India. The Indian kingdoms of Nagarkot, Thanesar, Kannauj, Gwalior, and Ujjain were all conquered and left in the hands of Hindu, Jain and Buddhist Kings as vassal states and he was pragmatic enough not to shirk making alliances and enlisting local peoples into his armies at all ranks. The later invasions of Mahmud were specifically directed to temple towns as Indian temples were depositories of great wealth, in cash, golden idols, diamonds, and jewellery; Nagarkot, Thanesar, Mathura, Kanauj, Kalinjar and Somnath. Mahmud’s armies stripped the temples of their wealth and then destroyed them at Varanasi, Ujjain, Maheshwar, Jwalamukhi, and Dwarka.
On the night of December 22-23, 1949, an idol of Ram Lalla “mysteriously” appeared inside Ayodhya’s Babri Masjid, setting in motion a chain of events that was to change the course of Indian politics in later decades. Little is known about what happened on that fateful night. But a new book now reveals how the events unfolded and claims those who pulled the strings of the Ayodhya strategy were also those accused in the Mahatma Gandhi murder case.
Authors Krishna Jha and Dhirendra K Jha interviewed a number of surviving eyewitnesses and accessed archival material to uncover the buried story of how the mosque turned into a temple overnight — a tale that describes the motivations of local players, the administrative collusion and the grand plan of a nationwide rightwing political mobilization intended to pitchfork Hindu Mahasabha as a major political player in post-independent India.
Central to the cast of local characters was Baba Abhiram Das, a well-built, 6-foot-tall local sadhu of the Nirvani akhara, who led three others into the mosque with the idol. Abhiram, later known as ‘Ramjanmabhoomi Uddharak’ (liberator) or simply as Uddharak Baba, died in 1981.
The researchers pieced together events of that night through extensive interviews with Abhiram’s brother and cousins, who were all in Ayodhya in 1949. Two of his cousins —Indushekhar Jha and Yugal Kishore Jha — claim to have followed Abhiram into the mosque.
A Delhi Court has granted the plea of Dr.Subramanian Swamy to have P.Chidambaram as the co accused in 1987 Merrut Case where people were shot to death.
I came to know of this yesterday by watching a programme of Jaya Plus Tv , a Television Channel(Tamil) when Swamy talked about this and lamented the fact that the case is expected to come for hearing in the next week and that people should publicize the issue.
Now I am doing my bit.
Dr.Swamy called me as a ‘an arm chair Grandpa’ in a Tweet sent to me and my reply was ”Yes, my dear,stumbling grand child. Arm chair grand pas have also a place.’)
“We were sorted out on the basis of our strength and physique, while elders and children were picked up and set free. The youth were grouped together and put in a yellow PAC truck. ”..”was pulled out of the truck, shot at twice and thrown into the Ganga stream”.
– Mohamad Usman, prosecution witness and survivor, 2007.
‘Hashimpura massacre took place on 22 May 1987, during the Hindu-Muslim riots in Meerut city in Uttar Pradesh state, India, when 19 personnel of the Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC) allegedly rounded up 42 Muslim youth from the Hashimpura mohalla (locality) of the city, took them in truck to the outskirts, near Murad Nagar, in Ghaziabad district, where they were shot and their bodies were dumped in water canals. A few days later dead bodies were found floating in the canals. In May 2000, 16 of the 19 accused surrendered, and were later released on bail, while 3 were already dead. The trial of the case was transferred by the Supreme Court of India in 2002 from Ghaziabad to a Sessions Court at the Tis Hazari complex in Delhi,[1][2] where it is the oldest pending case.[3]
On 24 May 2007, twenty years after the incident, two survivors and members of 36 victim families visited Lucknow and filed 615 applications under The Right to Information Act 2005 (RTI), at the office of Director General of Police seeking information about the case.[4] The inquiry revealed in September that all accused remained in service, and none had any mention of the incident in their Annual Confidential Report (ACR)s.[5] Five men who were shot and survived, later became witness for the prosecution case in 2007. These include Muzib-ur-Rehman, Mohamad Usman, Zulfiqar Nasir, and Naeem Arif.[6]…
After communal riots had taken over Meerut in April 1987, in a communally-charged atmosphere after the Babri Mosque at Ayodhya was opened by the Central government for worship by Hindus after several decades; PAC was called in, but was withdrawn as the riots subsided. However violence erupted again around 19 May, when 10 people were killed as arson escalated, thus Army was called out to stage a flag march. Seven companies ofCRPF has reached the city during the day, while 30 companies of PAC were being rushed in and indefinite curfew was declared.[8] In the following day, mobs burned down Gulmarg cinema hall, and as the death toll rose to 22 and 75 injured, shoot-at-sight orders were issued on 20 May 1987. Union Urban Development Minister, Mohsina Kidwai, and member of the Lok Sabha from Meerut constituency, after visiting the city stated, she had never seen “such a horrible face of arson before in my life“.[9]
On the night of 22 May 1987, 19 PAC personnel, under platoon commander Surinder Pal Singh, rounded up Muslims in the Hashimpur mohalla in Meerut, the old and the children were later separated and let go. Then they allegedly took about 40–45 of them, mostly daily wage labourers and weavers, in a truck to the Upper Ganga canal in Murad Nagar, Ghaziabad district, instead of taking them to the police station. Here some of them were shot, one by one, and thrown into the canal. A bullet also injured one of the PAC constables. After some were killed, the headlights of passing vehicles made PAC personnel flee the spot with those alive. Four of those shot escaped, either by pretending dead and then swimming away, one of them filed a first information report (FIR) at the Murad Nagar Police Station.[4][7][10]
The remaining men were next taken in the truck to the Hindon River Canal near Makanpur village in Ghaziabad, shot and their bodies thrown into the canal. Here again, two of the persons who were shot at, survived and lodged an FIR at the Link Road Police Station.[4][7][10][11].
Janata Party chief Subramanian Swamy finally received a brahmastra (according to Puranas, one of the most powerful weapon) against Union Home Minister P Chidambaram. A Delhi court on Monday, Jul 9 empowered Swamy after allowing him to file a plea against Chidambaram over Meerut riots case in Uttar Pradesh. The court allowed the Janata Party chief to make the Home Minister a co-accused in the mass killing case. During verbal argument, Swamy urged the court to allow him to move the application adding some unnamed co-accused under Section 319 Code of Criminal Procedure. According to 319 Code of Criminal Procedure, one gets the power to proceed against other persons appearing to be guilty of an offence.
He is reported to have visited the site one day earlier and a day later to the site.
Hope Justice is done.
The trial of the accused personnel of the Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC) charged with the cold blooded murder of about forty Muslims of Hashimpura, Meerut on 22 May 1987 has taken more than 19 years to haltingly start in the Tees Hazari Court, Delhi on July 15 2006. It is not only a case of proverbial judicial delay, but crookedness of the course of law that deserves critical scrutiny to be able to understand how the system has given rise to a climate of impunity, especially in heinous hate crimes against vulnerable groups, which emboldens the criminals including those in official uniforms and causes frustration among victims, who lose hope in the system.
According to the order of 18 May 2006 by the Court of the Additional Sessions Judge, Delhi, N P Kaushik it is the prosecution’s case based on the inquiry report of the Crime Branch of the CID (CBCID), that curfew was clamped in Mohalla Hashimpura of Meerut city in the name of search for illegal arms and 644 persons (all Muslims) were randomly picked up from their homes and were arrested. Of these 644, forty two (mostly younger ones) were directly taken in a PAC truck to Upper Ganga Canal, Murad Nagar, where some were shot at and the bodies were thrown into the canal and the remaining were taken to Hindon river, where similar operation was done. Though all were taken as dead, a few survived. FIR was lodged on the basis of their statements on 22/23 May 1987.A few days later dead bodies were found floating in the canals — sending shock waves worldwide.
The ghastly incident had stirred the conscience of the nation, as the outrage it caused in the average citizen was more than that felt against terrorist violence, as the killers in this case were those who were supposed to be protectors. Nikhil Chakravarty compared the event with “Nazi pogrom against the Jews, to strike terror and nothing but terror in the whole minority community”. Mr Subramaniam Swamy, who went on fast unto death over the incident, characterized it as a clear case of genocide. Mr Chandra Shekhar made the observation that “the Hashimpura (Meerut) tragedy was the most shocking incident in my political life…”
Nirmal Mukarji observed that “the truth is that Hashimpura and Malliana affected the Muslim psyche as nothing else had since independence, for the community began to see itself as under attack by the state itself. The least that should have been done was to have promptly disbanded this particular unit of the PAC and to have cashiered its officers. But no action was taken. The outcome was that, far from being on the side of the angels, the UP police emerged as the devil itself ”.
In a joint statement, eminent persons including I.K Gujral, Rajindar Sachar, Kuldip Nayar, Subhadra Joshi and Badr-Ud-Din Tyabji demanded that “the government must prosecute all those members of the PAC and police who have disgraced their uniforms. Their misdeeds must be treated at par with treason and tried by special courts”.
The letter that was sent by the team of inquiry led by Justice Rajindar Sachar to the Chief Minister, Uttar Pradesh and Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, along with the report, was not even acknowledged. Even though the Prime Minister was convinced about the veracity of the case by the testimony of one of the survivors, Zulfiqar Nasir, who was produced before him, and wanted to initiate effective action, he was advised not to do any thing, which could undermine the morale of the armed police, which were, in their view, the main prop of the state’s authority.
When the pressure on the government increased, the Chief Minister B.B Singh instituted an inquiry into the incident by CBCID. By the time the inquiry report was submitted after seven long years in February 1994,the incident had become a forgotten massacre, like a bad dream, by not only the political class but also by all segments of the civil society. People’s Union for Democratic Rights (PUDR) had filed a writ petition in the Supreme Court in 1987 for investigation of the case and damages to the victims, which was routinely dealt with and disposed of on 12 September 1990,enhancing the rehabilitation – compensation from Rs 20,000/- fixed by UP Government to Rs 40,000/-, though with the provision that “ if any one has applied for claim for compensation for death or bodily injuries, our direction for payment of rehabilitation compensation does not intend to affect such claim and same would be available to be proceeded in accordance with law”
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