Mysteries of Nature still daunt Man, despite professed advancements in Science and Technology.
The problem of spirits, Ghosts are yet to be solved,
The Ghost fact-finding adventures in TV channels continue, with evidence surfacing that Ghosts do exist.
We have one in India as well.
Room temperatures vary and Lasers detect strange shadows!
It is the KuldharaVillage in Rajasthan.
Recently, Paranormal Society of Delhi acknowledged that there is something strange about these scary places.
The society was studying one of these locations in Jaisalmer’s Kuldhara village. Kuldhara village is a haunted location and it is believed that it is impossible to spend an entire night in the village. The society decided to unravel the mystery behind the village of Kuldhara’s spirit.
Delhi’s Paranormal Society of Delhi reached Kuldhara under the leadership of Gaurav Tiwari on Saturday.
A brave team of 18 members decided to spend an entire night inside the village along with 10-12 other people.
Kudhara ,Haunted, Abandoned Village, India
The team spent 12 long horrifying hours inside the village and experienced some strange activities.
The team equipped with their high-tech electronic equipments scanned the entire village and encountered really strange activities. From moving shadows, haunting voices to hand imprints of children on cars; the team members lived through one of their scariest nights.
One of the members revealed that he felt someone touching his shoulder from behind. When he turned back to see who it was, he found no one.
The team used a highly sophisticated equipment to communicate with ghosts and spirits. The equipment, named ‘Ghost Box’, was used to ask questions from the spirits. The spirits responded and even told their names.
The team had a K-2 metre device which is used to measure change in surroundings temperature. The device recorded a temperature of 41 Degree Celsius at one location and as it was moved a few steps ahead, the temperature instantly dropped to 31 Degree Celsius.
The team used LASER rays and found unexplained moving shadows.
While the world is focused on the killing elsewhere, Killing of the Tamils in Sri Lanka,Syria, the plight of the Adivasis go unnoticed.
Adivasis, the oldest inhabitants of India number 80 millions, roughly 8% of Indian Population.
They are targeted by the Maoist Group and the State government simultaneously.
Killing by The State?
The Maoists use them as pawns in their struggle against the State, which does not case about these people.
Despite the high-sounding developmental projects on paper, these areas do not even have basic facilities like water, Schools, Hospitals or Food Distribution network.
The Government , under the guise of Liberal Economy is interested in grabbing the land and handing them over to MNCs.
No party is an exception for the MNCs fill in their coffers .
Story:
“Sri Pranab Mukherjee,
President of India,
Rashtrapati Bhavan,
New Delhi – 110004
India.
Sub: requesting for a high level judicial inquiry, legal action and
fixing accountability on the case of brutal killing of 8
Adivasis by the Security forces in an alleged encounter took
at Aarespeta village of Bijapur district in Chhatisgarh.
Dear Sir,
1. I would like to bring your kind attention on the above said subject
that eight Adivasis/Tribal people namely (1) Pandu, (2) Bahadur, (3)
Joga, (4) Komu, (5) Punam, (6) Somu, (7) Lakhmu and (8) Karam Masa
all are resident of Aaresmpeta village comes under Ganglur police
station of Bijapur district in the state of Chhatisgarh were brutally
killed by the Security Forces at 9:30 P.M. on 17 May, 2012 at
Aarespeta village in an alleged encounter took place between the
Security Forces and the Maoists.
2. The incident took place when the Tribal people were celebrating the
Seed Festival at night. All the villagers including women and children
were also present in the festival. The Security forces reached to the
spot and fired on them assuming that they were Naxals. According to
Village heads – Sri Taram Lakhmu and Taram Budhru, there was no Naxal
amongst those who have been killed by the security forces. They also
stated that the villagers were celebrating seed festival when all of
sudden without any signal, the security forces fired on them.
Consequently, 8 Adivasis/Tribals including three children got killed
in the massacre and 22 of them are missing whose whereabouts are not
known till now. In the incident, one Jawan died and two were injured,
which is result of the cross firing among the Security forces.
The killings of Mahendra Karma and his colleagues call not for retributive violence but for a deeper reflection on the discontent among the tribals of central India and their dispossession
In the summer of 2006, I had a long conversation with Mahendra Karma, the Chhattisgarh Congress leader who was killed in a terror attack by the Naxalites last week. I was not alone — with me were five other members of a citizens’ group studying the tragic fallout of the civil war in the State’s Dantewada district. This war pitted the Naxalites on the one side against a vigilante army promoted by Mr. Karma on the other. In a strange, not to say bizarre, example of bipartisan co-operation, the vigilantes (who went by the name of Salwa Judum) were supported by both Mr. Karma (then Leader of the Opposition in the State Assembly) and the BJP Chief Minister of Chhattisgarh, Raman Singh.
‘Liberated zone’
From the 1980s, Naxalites had been active in the region, asking for higher wages for tribals, harassing traders and forest contractors, and attacking policemen. In the first decade of this century their presence dramatically increased. Dantewada was now identified by Maoist ideologues as the most likely part of India where they could create a ‘liberated zone.’ Dozens of Telugu-speaking Naxalites crossed into Chhattisgarh, working assiduously to accomplish this aim.
The Naxalites are wedded to the cult of the gun. Their worship of violence is extreme. They are a grave threat to democracy and democratic values. How should the democratically elected State government of Chhattisgarh have tackled their challenge? It should have done so through a two-pronged strategy: (i) smart police work, identifying the areas where the Naxalites were active and isolating their leaders; (ii) sincerely implementing the constitutional provisions guaranteeing the land and tribal forest rights of the adivasis, and improving the delivery of health and education services to them.
The Chhattisgarh government did neither. On the one side, it granted a slew of leases to industrialists, over-riding the protests of gram panchayats and handing over large tracts of tribal land to mining companies. On the other side, it promoted a vigilante army, distributing guns to young men owing allegiance to Mahendra Karma or his associates. These goons then roamed the countryside, in search of Naxalites real or fictitious. In a series of shocking incidents, they burnt homes (sometimes entire villages), raped women, and looted granaries of those adivasis who refused to join them.
In response, the Naxalites escalated their activities. They killed Salwa Judum leaders, murdered real or alleged informers, and mounted a series of daring attacks on police and paramilitary units. The combined depredations of the Naxalites and Salwa Judum created a regime of terror and despair across the district. An estimated 150,000 adivasis fled their native villages. A large number sought refuge along the roads of the Dantewada district. Here they lived, in ramshackle tents, away from their lands, their cattle, their homes and their shrines. An equally large number fled into the neighbouring State of Andhra Pradesh, living likewise destitute and tragic lives.
There is a spate comments on the new Delhi igang rape, which cost the life of a girl, Jyoti SIngh Pandey.
Protests were organised to punish the guilty immediately without dragging for years.
So far very good.
Then some body like President Pronab Mukherjee’s son,Mohn Bhagat of RSS , Asaram.. and a host of others
The protagonists for immediate Justice clamour later reached the heights of calling every man as rapist waiting to rape any one in sight deteriorated into question of feminine Freedom to dress and move about any time of the day..
Delhi gang rape protest
Comments.
“It would have been comforting if vile foolishness in India had been the domain of the few. But Asaram Bapu is not alone when he says one hand cannot clap by itself. Or that taking diksha, reciting a mantra and pleading with her rapists as brothers might have saved the young girl that fateful night.
The clergy of the Jamaat-e-Islami-Hind are not alone when they advocate co-educational institutes to be shut down, pre-marital sex to be outlawed and girls to dress in sober and dignified clothes as ways to prevent rape.
Mohan Bhagwat is not alone when he asserts more rapes happen in ‘India’ than ‘Bharat’ — the first a synecdoche for promiscuous modernity; the latter for a more pious and traditional order where women live within boundaries prescribed by men. Abhijit Mukherjee is not alone when he mocks women protesters as “dented, painted” girls. Nor are Abu Azmi, Kailash Vijayvargiya or the Chhattisgarh home minister who says minors in the state are being raped because their stars are not favourable….
The media reacted violently to these comments.
”
Over the past few days, the national media has rebuffed these men with an acetylene rage. Apologise, they have shouted. Retract your thoughts. Or at least be shamed into withdrawing the impunity with which you say such things in public.
But this rage has triggered its own counter-currents. Madhu Kishwar, feminist and editor of Manushi, for instance, is scathing about the media’s tone. “What kind of imperialist vocabulary is this? If you treat everyone who does not agree with you as aliens and fools, if you refuse to accept them as your own people, what gives you the right to dictate to them? What makes you think they will even entertain your criticism?” she asks.”
..Ad guru Santosh Desai chimes in to warn of a backlash: “Media in India is more loud than representative,” he says. “If the framing of this debate gets too vociferous and extreme, it can galvanise the opposition in disturbing ways. Our society has always had a way of evolving organically, using a combination of strategies to create space for new ideas. As long as that change is gradual, the anxiety it produces is also gradual. If one gets too absolutist, the whole thing can boomerang.”..
Chetan Bhagat offers a variation on the theme in his Times of Indiacolumn, where he first divides the populace into four classes: One, the political elite; Two, the business elite; Threes, the rising lower and middle classes “with a certain amount of affluence and education”; and Four, “people with limited education, abysmal standards of living and little hope for a better future.” The Threes may be the heroes of Bhagat’s stories — and their hero in turn — but here he takes them to task for “imposing their new-found modern values” on the less-progressive masses “For example, Fours may see women-men relationships in a regressive way. The Threes, exposed to the latest Western beliefs, will mock them.” The column offers instead a more peace-loving recipe for change:”
What exactly are the issues?
A Girl was raped in the Capital of India.
Accused have been charge sheeted.
The case is being heard.
People have expressed their anger against this despicable act.
Now what we need to do is…….
To make sure that rape law is made more stringent and be made Non bailable(at the same time it is to be ensured that it is not misused as in Anti Dowry laws).
The perpetrators should not be executed but to live with the mark of a rapist after serving Life term.
They should be ostracized by the Society.
Women should ensure that they are safe by wearing non provocative dress in public and be careful about moving in their own interest.
This is not an issue of Male vs Female, it is a question of Life.
You can not control other human beings at all times, human nature is unpredictable.
The picture of the maze of Coal block allocation is slowly emerging.
The whole transaction is mired in Companies controlled by Companies.
Right now the Jayswals of Nagpur seem to be what SUN TVGroup was to 2 G Scam.
There seems to be a refinement over 2 G in that the spoils seem to be evenly distributed , yet the picture is unclear.
There ought to be some fixer, masquerading as Lobbyist like Radia.
Am looking into it.
Story:
Of the five companies raided on Tuesday, three belong to one family – the Nagpur-based Jayaswals. Split in two businesses, they are among the largest beneficiaries in the coal block allocations, holding 10 blocks with more than 900 million tonnes of coal. What is more striking is that they managed to get such a large allocation with only one project running on the ground.
Outside Raipur, in the smog-filled industrial area of Siltara, exists a steel plant run by Jayaswal Neco company. Headed by the family patriarch Basant Lal Jayaswal, the company is managed by his son Ramesh Jayaswal. Until a few years ago, Ramesh’s elder Manoj was part of the Neco Group. But following a family feud, he branched out, taking control of companies under the banner of Abhijeet Group.
…
All in the family * Of five companies raided on Tuesday, three belong to one family – the Nagpur-based Jayaswals * Family patriarch Basant Jayaswal. Three sons Ramesh, Manoj & Arvind * Ramesh manages Jayaswal Neco Group. Father is group chairman. Manoj heads Abhijeet Group
Abhijeet Group has six coal blocks Jharkhand: Five blocks Chhattisgarh: Fatehpur East (Allocated to JLD Yavatmal Energy) These six add up to 444 mn tonnes of coal
Jayaswal companies raided today AMR Iron and Steel (jointly held).
JAS Infrastructure (Abhijeet Group).
JLD Yavatmal (Abhijeet Group & Darda Family)
Jayaswal NECO group has three coal blocks Chattisgarh: Gare Palma IV/4 Gare Palma IV/8 Jharkhand: Moitra These add up to 447 mn tonnes
Joint ownership: AMR Three brothers jointly own AMR Iron and Steel, allocated a 31 mn tonne block Bander, Maharashtra Between them, 10 blocks and 917 mn tonnes of coal.
Information acquired Right to Information activist Mahendra Yadav, has revealed that JAS Infrastructure Capital Pvt Ltd, one of the five companies against whom the Central Bureau of Investigation had registered first information reports, had acquired the coal blocks without signing a revised Memorandum of Understanding.
The company is setting up the first private sector thermal plant in Bihar’s Banka district.
The RTI has revealed that as per the MoU, the state-owned Bihar State Electricity Board could purchase power up to a maximum 25 per cent from the proposed power plant under the terms of an agreement.
“But in case of Public Sector National Thermal Power] Corporation’s proposed power plant, the Bihar government had demanded 50 per cent power,” he said.
CNN-IBN has accessed the entire list of 58 coal blocks which are under the scanner. A close look at these companies indicates that they have political connections.
Abhijeet Infrastructure Ltd, which got three blocks in Jharkhand, is owned by a close associate of Congress MP Vijay Darda.
Another company JLD Yavatmal Energy which got a block in Chhattisgarh is also allegedly a front of Vijay Darda.
Another Congress MP Naveen Jindal‘s company has non-producing blocks in Odhisha and Jharkhand.
SKS Ispat & Power Ltd for which Union Minister Subodh Kant Sahay is already under fire had got two blocks as well.
It is not as if there were just Congress leaders who were beneficiaries of coal block allocation. CNN IBN has in its possession documents which show Jharkhand Chief Minister Arjun Munda, allegedly signing 44 MoUs with private players for which an enquiry has been conducted. BJP president Nitin Gadkari‘s key aide and BJP Rajya Sabha MP Ajay Sancheti has been singled out by the CAG for causing a loss of Rs 900 crore to Chhattisgarh government. But there is another side to this story as well, beyond the political slugfest, some companies got coal blocks and sold them at much higher prices.
CNN-IBN has exclusively accessed a letter written by Sandeep Gupta, Undersecretary of Coal Ministry, to a company in May 2012 which had got a block. Shree Virangana Steels Ltd changed its entire shareholding pattern to M/S topworth Urja and Metals Ltd. The letter read: At present, there is no shareholder from the original allocatee who were alloted the coal blocks. Allotment of coal blocks by the government is for captive purpose and is not for profiteering. Commercial use of coal is not allowed. The sale of shareholding for profit defeats the entire purpose.”
Sources say that most companies which were declared to be involved in sponge iron business are the ones who were chosing the route of squatting. Get a block and then sell it to the highest bidder later. The real impact of this entire scam will be the difficulty that will now be faced by these front-end companies to sell their stakes.
While not going into the merits of granting bail to Binayak Sen, it is most unfortunate for the Court to observe that ”
“We are a democratic country. If Gandhian literature is found on some one, it doesn’t make him a Gandhian. He may be a Naxal sympathiser but that doesn’t make him guilty of sedition,” said the court. The court also observed that possession of Naxal literature is not a proof of sedition.
“He is a sympathiser. Nothing beyond that,” the bench further said.
However, senior advocate UU Lalit, appearing for the state government, said that no case is made out for the bail and submitted that the activities of Sen have to be seen in a broader perspective.
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