
(July 20, August 16 & August 28, 1937)
Letter of July 20, 1937 from Segaon:
“I have read the Palestine Report. It makes sad reading but the Commission could not do anything more. It almost admits the critical blunder a promise to the Arabs and a contrary one to the Jews. Breach of promise became inevitable. I am more than ever convince that the only proper and dignified solution is the one I have suggested now more so than before. My solution admits of no … If the Jews will rely wholly on the Arab goodwill, they must once for all renounce British protection. I wonder if they will adopt the heroic remedy. More when we meet.”
Letter of August 16, 1937 from Wardha:
“What you have done is all right. I had a long talk with Andrews. I do not know what we will be able to do. The more I observe the events happening the more convinced I feel of the correctness of my advice.
“It is likely to be a voice in the wilderness. Nevertheless if you feel as strongly as I do, you will take up the firm & only stand that is likely to do good… in the end. Without that, there will be no happy home for the Jews in Palestine.”
Letter of August 28, 1937 from Segaon:
“… I have just read the monograph sent to me at your instance on Zionism. The sender’s name is not given. The statement is very impressive, deeply interesting. And if it is true a settlement between the Jews & the Arabs might not be difficult. I quite clearly see that if you are to play any part in bringing about an honourable settlement, your place is in India. It might be that you might have to go at times to South Africa. You might have to go frequently to Palestine, but much of the work lies in India as I visualise the development of the settlement talks. All this I say irrespective of the domestic arrangement between us as to your coming in December…
“I am conferring with Andrews also as to what he should do in Palestine. But I have not the time to tell you all these things. … the need to know them. It is enough for you to know that I am redeeming my promise to interest myself in the movement.”
Source: GandhiServe Foundation – Mahatma Gandhi Research and Media Service (reprinted with permission)
http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/History/KallenbachGandhi.html
Given the furore about the allegations made of Gandhi's bisexuality and
relationship with Hermann Kallenbach in Lelyveld's new book, I thought there
might be some interest in these two articles I wrote for the Times of India's
Crest edition last Saturday. The first and shorter one is about Kallenbach, who
deserves to be better known, if not in such a sensational way. Since the Crest
article online requires subscription, which is annoying even though free, I'm
posting the full text below:
More than just a friend
Kallenbach was for Gandhi nothing as simple as a lover. In the long run, he was
something rather more important, his first real disciple
VIKRAM DOCTOR
Nothing about the relationship between Mohandas Gandhi and Hermann Kallenbach
sounds as strange as the terms they used for each other — Upper House and Lower
House, respectively. Yet Hanna Lazar, Kallenbach’s niece, who lived with him
for years, gave a logical explanation for them in a letter to Pyarelal,
Gandhi’s secretary and biographer. She wrote: “in the English parliament there
is a Senate = Upper House, and the Executive = Lower House, or the Law Giver
and the one who carries out the Laws.” This is not quite accurate as a
description of the English parliament, but her meaning is clear: Gandhi was the
conceptualiser and Kallenbach the implementer.
Better than anything else, this shows what Kallenbach was for Gandhi — nothing
as simple as a lover, but something rather more important in the long run, his
first real disciple, which is, of course, a relationship that can, of course,
carry quite a measure of love. Gandhi’s capacity to attract the devotion of
people was perhaps what really marked him out as a leader from the start, but
even among them, Kallenbach occupies a special place. Where others were often
clergymen, teachers or minor tradesmen, Kallenbach was a successful architect
and a relatively wealthy man. Yet he was willing to put all this aside to
follow Gandhi.
The change was remarkable. Gandhi would write that Kallenbach led a life of
“luxury and extravagance” before they met. He followed Gandhi’s often really
experimental diets, ometimes only fruits or nuts. He gifted Tolstoy Farm to the
satyagrahis, helping not just to design their houses, but physically build them
as well. Because they needed footwear, he learned sandal making, which he
taught Gandhi — the many sandals that Gandhi would wear and gift during his
life are thanks to Kallenbach.
What drove him to all this is a mystery since Kallenbach also had a gift for
self-containment. This is not just because his letters have not survived. Even
where one hears his voice directly, for example in an account of the march to
Transvaal that he wrote for his sister, he does not foreground himself. There
was much drama during the march, some of it involving him — he was challenged
to a duel at one point, and faced the fury of other whites who saw him as a
traitor. Yet he sticks to facts, giving more importance to the logistics, which
he was in charge of, having to ensure they had food and shelter on their way,
than to his personal challenges and feelings.
There was something monkish about Kallenbach, which perhaps might explain his
lifelong bachelorhood. The only hint he ever gives is in a letter to his
brother, where he writes that after having met Gandhi he had given up first
meat, then fish “and for the last 18 months I have given up my sex life”. He
feels much better for all this, he says, but adds an interesting note:
“Notwithstanding, I shall change my life, even tomorrow — should I feel this
way of living should not suit me.”
>From his childhood in Germany, where he was an athletic youth, to his
>apprenticeship as a carpenter before becoming an architect, to his years in
>South Africa, as an architect and then activist, to his internment during WWI
>in a prison camp for enemy aliens on the Isle of Man, where he worked in the
>hospital and taught his fellow inmates, to restarting his architectural
>practice in South Africa, developing a whole suburb, to his support for the
>kibbutz movement in Israel — always with Kallenbach, the emphasis is on the
>material and physical, not in an unthinking way, but just willing himself to
>do what the circumstances required.
Perhaps the daftest part of the current allegations is the suggestion that
Gandhi left his family to be with Kallenbach; in fact, it was more like
Kallenbach was appropriated as an elder family member. He was held in some awe,
because he did have a temper that could be unleashed and tended to demand
strict behaviour all around. But he became a mentor to Gandhi’s sons, for
example, going to fetch Harilal back from Mozambique when he ran away in an
early revolt. He was particularly close to Ramdas, who lived with him a while,
but it was Manilal, who Gandhi left in South Africa to continue his work, who
had the longest association with him. He kept his connection with Gandhi alive
through letters, and two visits, in 1937 and 1939, living at Wardha and wearing
a khadi dhoti.
It was at the last visit where he had a remarkable encounter. Gandhi was
visited by a Captain Strunk, an associate of Hitler, who worked on the Nazi
party paper and functioned as a sort of roving agent for the party. Strunk
seemed to be visiting India partly to see if Gandhi’s views against Western
civilisation could dovetail with the Nazis. Gandhi listened to him politely,
and then pointed to Kallenbach who was sitting quietly next to him in a dhoti.
“Here is a live Jew and a German Jew, if you please,” he said. “I should like
to understand from you why the Jews are being persecuted in Germany?” Strunk
was entirely taken aback, and even apologised in a lame way. It was, as always,
an example of the service Kallenbach could provide just by his quiet presence
next to Gandhi.
•
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