“On Wednesday this week, locals discovered the message “Wife, I was wrong” written in what appears to be yellow chalk all the way up a flight of stone steps in the Pingdingshan Forest Park in China’s Liaoning Province.
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Native Chinese or not, writing that number of kanji characters by hand must have taken the repentant scribbler quite some time, so they will undoubtedly be rather irked to learn that local authorities promptly removed the messages, commenting to reporters that the park is a shared space and not a place for individuals to selfishly vandalise. We only hope that “wife” happened to pass by the park while the messages were still there to be seen.
Neither the identity of the individual who wrote the messages nor their reasons for doing so are known, but the general consensus online is that this that the man had likely cheated on his wife and, with the secret out, decided to do something to atone for his sins.”
That The Chinese have a rich Culture,including the science of Exquisite torture , all of us know.
News emerges that the Chinese had been running a labor camp in the northeast of the country, called Masanjia, to torture the prisoners, often suspects and Political Dissidents.
Not content with this, they have used this ‘hands-on’ experience to teach the Police as to how to torture!
Story:
Falun Gong practitioners are shown in Masanjia labor camp watching a video meant to re-educate them during a propaganda tour arranged by the camp authorities on May 22, 2001. One of the tortures used on the practitioners involves handcuffing them awkwardly between bunk beds, and then yanking the beds apart, causing excruciating pain. (AP Photo/John Leicester
Former Chinese Communist Party leader Jiang Zemin was behind that campaign, and his chief lieutenants personally visited the Masanjia facility, and presented awards to guards for devising the most innovative and effective techniques of inflicting pain.
Prison guards used a variation on the torture technique “five horses splitting the body” on Zhang Lianying, who was sent to Masanjia in 2008 because she was a hard-to-crack case—the intense, specialized torture devised and dished out by Masanjia was supposed to rid her of her beliefs in Falun Gong’s principles of truthfulness, compassion, and forbearance.
Guards locked her feet in wooden boards, then snapped cuffs separately onto her hands — they then tied rope to the cuffs, fed them through metal bunk beds to each side of her, and pulled them forward hard. Guards at her back pushed her forward and violently kicked. Her body was stuck, bent at a 90-degree angle, and torn forward. “The pain quickly made my clothes soaked with sweat,” Zhang wrote in an experience. Minghui.net, a Falun Gong website, notes: “The pain of this torture is unimaginable.”
Masanjia Showed How
Masanjia, named after the county in which it is located in Liaoning Province, in China’s northeast, was founded in 1956, and for decades imprisoned intellectuals, “rightists,” and others that the Chinese Communist Party thought needed to be locked up and pressed into hard labor.
Then, in July of 1999, then-Party Secretary Jiang Zemin launched a high-profile political campaign to eradicate the Falun Gong spiritual practice. Very quickly, Masanjia became a core part of this campaign.
Jiang had already handed down internal Party decrees that no means used against practitioners were too excessive and deaths of Falun Gong practitioners in custody may be counted as suicides, according to victims, who relayed threats made by guards. While Jiang set the policy, Masanjia showed the means.
Wan Xiaohui, a 58-year-old-woman, was sent to Masanjia in 2010 for distributing DVDs related to Falun Gong. On her first day there, she was stripped naked and left in the freezing cold. Another day, “they inserted needles into my fingernails.”
Masanjia in 2000 set up a ward specifically dedicated to locking up and working on the minds of Falun Gong practitioners. This was in response to directives from top Party officials, according to the World Organization to Investigate the Persecution of Falun Gong, a group based in New York known for exhaustive primary research on Party documents and directives.
Party Central’s Project
Masanjia isn’t connected to the top Party leadership through a formal chain of command—institutionally, it sits under Liaoning provincial authorities—but it takes its commands from top leaders in the central Communist Party apparatus involved in the persecution of Falun Gong, as shown in WOIPFG’s research.
Falun Dafa practitioner Wei Zaixin, male, 63 years old, was a senior engineer at the School of Advanced Technological Studies in Fushun City, Liaoning Province. On February 7, 2002, he went to the home of a fellow practitioner where he was abducted, beaten, and cruelly tortured by the police from Section One of the Police Department of Fushun City, Liaoning Province. Police from the Liangzhan Street Police Station were also present to help extort a confession from him. After being tortured for the entire night, he was sent to the intensive control team in Wujiabao Forced Labor Camp. Because of Wei’s firm steadfast commitment to Falun Dafa, Wujiabao Forced Labor Camp officials forbade Wei Zaixin’s family members from visiting Wei or sending him clothes or other items. In June 2002, Wei Zaixin was sent to the No.2 Detention Center in Shizilou, Jiangjun District by the Jiangjun Police Station in Fushun City to await his sentence. While Wei was detained there, the police in the detention center instigated criminal inmates to inhumanly abuse him. In July, the Police Department sent Wei Zaixin, who was on the verge of death due to torture, to the city hospital and asked his family members to pick him up. On November 15, 2002, because Wei Zaixin was so seriously injured from the torture by the police, he failed to respond to any medical treatment, and passed away, suffering a wrongful death
Please recollect whether this reminds you of an Indian Political Family, though there are many who have amassed wealth by dubious means, one Family fits the Bill .
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Wen Jiabao’s Family Wealth.
DALIAN, China — Just a few weeks before his dramatic fall from power, Bo Xilaiwrote an inscription in calligraphy, praising the Chongqing Water Assets Management Company, and urging support for its operations.
What he did not say was that a foundation controlled by his younger brother, Bo Xicheng, had acquired a stake in a subsidiary of the water company.
Mr. Bo had done something similar in 2003, while serving as governor here in Liaoning Province.
He said his province would make supporting the Dalian Daxian company, a conglomerate engaged primarily in electronics manufacturing, one of the most important tasks of the next five years.
A few years earlier, another company controlled by the same younger brother was listed as the owner of nearly a million shares in Dalian Daxian, worth about $1.2 million.
It is not clear whether Mr. Bo knew of the indirect stakes in the companies, or whether his brother profited from his pronouncements.
But now, in the aftermath of Mr. Bo’s dismissal, on suspicions of corruption and accusations that his wife arranged the killing of a British business associate, there are mounting questions about whether Mr. Bo, who was most recently the party chief in the city of Chongqing and a member of the Politburo, used his enormous political clout to enrich himself and his closest relatives.
For much of the last decade, while Bo Xilai was busy moving up the ranks of the Communist Party, and even striking populist themes aimed at improving the lot of the poor, his relatives were quietly amassing a fortune estimated at more than $160 million.
His elder brother accumulated millions of dollars’ worth of shares in one of the country’s biggest state-owned conglomerates.
His sister-in-law owns a significant stake in a printing company she started that was recently valued at $400 million.
And even Mr. Bo’s 24-year-old son, now studying at Harvard, got into business in 2010, registering a technology company with $320,000 in start-up capital.
Bo Xilai’s downfall this spring has also cast a sharper spotlight on the hidden wealth and power accumulated by the Communist Party’s revolutionary families, and by the sons, daughters, wives and close relatives of the nation’s high-ranking leaders.
“This could really open a can of worms,” says Bo Zhiyue, a senior fellow at the National University of Singapore’s East Asian Institute.
“The relatives of other party leaders are also doing lots of business deals, and people will begin to ask: What about them? Was the Bo family the only one doing this kind of thing?”
Mr. Bo was suspended from his Politburo position and his leadership of Chongqing, a large metropolis with province status, in recent weeks amid accusations that, among other things, he interfered with an investigation into the death of a Neil Heywood, a British businessman whose body was found in a Chongqing hotel room on Nov. 15.
His death was initially attributed to alcohol poisoning.
Mr. Bo’s wife, Gu Kailai, and Zhang Xiaojun, the family’s 32-year-old “orderly,” were named as the main suspects, with officials saying Ms. Gu and her son, Bo Guagua, had had a dispute with Mr. Heywood over “economic interests.”
The case has also raised questions about how the Bo family was able to afford to send their only son to study in England at Harrow and Oxford University, as well as now at Harvard, for graduate school.
State-run media reports have hinted at the possibility that the Bo family had been transferring illicit assets overseas.
And soon after Mr. Bo was dismissed from his posts, Xu Ming, one of China’s wealthiest businessmen, with close ties to Mr. Bo and his family, was detained, possibly here in the city of Dalian, where Mr. Bo had once served as mayor.
None of the extended family members have been accused of illegality.
But the circumstances surrounding Mr. Bo’s actions in support of companies where family members had an interest suggest that he may have used his influence to help increase their wealth.
Corporate records in Hong Kong and China show that the siblings of both Mr. Bo, who also served as commerce minister in the national government, and his wife have been exceptionally active for years in forming investment companies and setting up offshore entities.
Moreover, sometimes Mr. Bo’s family members have held their stakes using an alias.
Two of Ms. Gu’s sisters — Gu Wangjiang and Gu Wangning — have earned millions of dollars in publishing, real estate and other ventures.
Together they own about $120 million worth of shares in the TungKong Security Printing Company in eastern China.
The TungKong Web site says the company has contracts with some of China’s biggest state-owned enterprises and government agencies, including the tax authorities and the Central Bank.
Gu Wangning also helped Bo Guagua establish a technology company in Beijing in 2010.
The Guagua Technology Company’s supervisor is listed as Mr. Zhang, the Bo family aide accused along with Ms. Gu of being involved in Mr. Heywood’s death.
Two of Bo Xilai’s three brothers are well-established businessmen with close ties to state companies.
His elder brother, Bo Xiyong, 64, has invested over the years, according to Hong Kong records, in a series of offshore investment vehicles like Advanced Technology and Economic Development, partly owned by a British Virgin Islands entity, and Far Eastern Industries.
But little about the companies is publicly available.
Bo Xiyong is also vice chairman of China Everbright International, a division of the Everbright Group, a giant state-owned company.
His annual salary is about $200,000 and his stake in the company during the past decade is about $10 million, based on shares he has sold and the value of his current stock options, according to public filings.
In addition, Bo Xiyong is a deputy of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, a government advisory body, and until recently he served as deputy chairman of HKC Holdings, a Hong Kong company controlled by the family of an Indonesian billionaire.
In 2010, the big American private equity firm TPG invested about $25 million in HKC, which specializes in infrastructure and alternative energy projects in China and has won numerous state contracts.
Bo Xicheng, the younger brother with the foundation, has ties to several companies that operated in Dalian and Chongqing, the two cities where Bo Xilai served as a high-ranking official.
His charitable foundation, the Beijing Xingda Educational Foundation, has on its board of directors the heads of two real estate developers, the Dalian Huanan Group and Chongqing Tianyou, as well as Weng Zhenjie, the chief executive of the Chongqing International Trust Company.
Earlier this year, a Chongqing business tycoon, Zhang Mingyu, accused Bo Xilai’s police force of threatening him and protecting Mr. Weng, who Mr. Zhang said was a former business partner who had quarreled with him in Chongqing.
Among the advisers to the foundation, which has already raised more than $20 million, are two academics from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences who publicly supported Bo Xilai’s “Chongqing model” of development.
The foundation owns a $2 million stake in Chongqing Water Group, a company now valued at about $5 billion.
Bo Xicheng has served as a director of several big state-owned companies, including Citic Securities, one of China’s largest investment houses.
He is also the founder of a small company that makes fire extinguishers and other equipment, called Beijing Liuhean Firefighting Science and Technology, whose products are used in government agencies, luxury hotels, power plants and in Tiananmen Square in Beijing.
Less is known about Bo Xilai’s wife, Gu Kailai, except that she opened her own law firm, with offices in various countries, and also set up several consulting firms with foreign businessmen.
There is also a great deal of mystery about Mr. Bo’s son by his first marriage, Li Wangzhi.
Like the children of so many high-ranking Chinese leaders, Mr. Li, 34, has worked in private equity and held a job at Citigroup.
He invested in companies in Dalian, on his father’s turf, according to corporate filings.
He has been known alternatively as Brendan Li and Li Xiaobai.
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